The whole case · 90 seconds
Arthur Brent Porter
UT Austin '87 · B.A. Computer Science
University of Oklahoma '08 · M.A. in Education — Educational and Community Renewal
Lifelong Republican voter
20th year with Lyme disease
Around year sixteen of being sick, I read The Body Keeps the Score and The Myth of Normal and understood something no lab test had told me: stress you can't resolve, carried for decades, holds a body in a state where it cannot heal.
So at fifty-seven I said it out loud, in writing, with the research attached — my illness has more than one author, your part in it is real, and I can't keep carrying the whole blame so you never have to look at your share.
Everything below happened after I said that, and because I said it. This isn't a man complaining about a bad doctor. It's what happens to someone who tells the truth to people who cannot hear one.
I was told it would be one thing — a full medical workup. What I got was a neuropsychological evaluation. My Lyme labs were ignored. Nearly everything I told the doctors was ignored. I told the truth, and it was not heard — because what was heard was the $15,000 that paid for the evaluation, arranged through a family friend on Dell Medical School's own advisory board. That is a conflict of interest. Two conflicts of interest.
The same kind of conflict of interest Senator Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) investigated in 2008 and 2012. The same doctor he investigated — Dr. Charles Nemeroff — chaired the department that evaluated me, and still works in Texas today as Director of the Institute for Early Life Adversity Research. And the same senator who exposed Dr. Nemeroff's conflicts of interest — roughly $1.2 million in undisclosed payments from drug companies while at Emory University, exposure that cost him his chairmanship there, a history the Texas Medical Board's own website does not list — is, this very morning, approving a conflict of interest at the highest level of our national government.
"The patient indicated that his parents had provided him with an ultimatum of either completing the evaluation or having him cut off of financial support. He acquiesced to their request." — Dell Medical School, signed final report, Chief Complaint section
Under the American Psychological Association's own rules, coercion voids consent. The evaluation was invalid before it began. They ran it anyway — and billed my family.
Two more scores their own report calls "exceptionally high" had the numbers left off the page entirely. Every single discrepancy moved the same way: down. Honest errors scatter. A thumb on the scale never does.
Years ago — we have an aunt with bipolar disorder — I had it tested. The test was negative, and I told my sister so. Three weeks before the evaluation she wrote instructing me to report "periods of mania or psychosis" to the doctors. The report says it plainly on page 2 — no mania. Yet my file carries a bipolar code I was never told about. I found it only after a federal agency forced them to hand over my own records. UT then began mailing me invitations to a bipolar research study. I'm on Medicare — that's public money moving on a diagnosis their own document says has nothing behind it.
Dr. Charles Nemeroff — exposed in 2008 over $1.2 million in undisclosed drug-company payments, pursued again in 2012. His life's research: how unresolved stress inflames the body and makes people sick. Which is exactly what an uncorrectable false record has done to mine, every day since.
Only my mother has said sorry. Not one institution has.
Seventeen inspectors general were fired in a single night — more than every previous president combined. Their whole job is finding wrongdoing inside an agency. Removing them doesn't stop corruption; it stops corruption from being found. The office that would have heard me still exists. It simply doesn't investigate anymore.
A small case in Texas sits closed because a large one in Washington is unresolved. That isn't a metaphor. It's the mechanism.
I had the reasoning to catch it, the records to prove it, nineteen months to fight it — and a federal agency was still required just to show me my own file.
Thirty-nine seconds from the day of the evaluation itself. No blood was drawn.
That program lets any third party pay for an evaluation of another adult. Access came through a family friend who attends our church and sits on the medical school's behavioral health advisory board — a door most people don't have. And the office meant to investigate this kind of thing has stopped investigating.
The people without the documents, the stamina, or the test scores are not going to raise their hands. That is exactly why I'm raising mine.
It's the same act at every scale:
someone tells the truth,
and the powerful person answers by
discrediting the one who said it.
My father taught me truth-telling is non-negotiable — then, when I used it on him, wrote to me: "there are times when not telling the truth is better."
Dell Medical was told in writing that I was there under coercion and had active infections. They finished the paperwork instead.
The President fires, sues, or disbands anyone who holds him to account — inspectors general, prosecutors, generals — and the Senate, which holds the one remedy the Framers built for exactly this, has not used it.
If not now — when?
Want the full record, with every document and quote?
The Detailed Story Letter to Grassley Cornyn Tillis Thune The Documents
Arthur "Brent" Porter · Native Texan · B.A. Computer Science, UT Austin 1987
Great-grandson of an Oklahoma sharecropper
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