The Method

Seven techniques for making a record say what you need it to say. On the left, what a public medical school did to my file. On the right, what is being done to the country's. The technique is identical. Only the scale differs. In both cases the paperwork is not the safeguard — it is the alibi.

Every number in the left column comes from a document signed on February 3, 2025 by seven faculty members of Dell Medical School at The University of Texas at Austin. Every fact in the right column is public record. I am a 61-year-old lifelong Republican voter. I did not come to this comparison because I wanted it. I came to it because I already knew the moves.

First, what the evaluation was actually for.

Make me take it. Then when it does not say what you want it to say, change it or ignore it until it does. You only needed the skeleton of a report to prove you were being ethical.

That is the frame, and every technique below sits inside it. The tests were real. The instruments were real. Seven faculty were real, and so was the $15,000. None of that was theater — and that is exactly the point. The rigor was not there to constrain the conclusion. The rigor was there to make the conclusion unquestionable.

Their own report proves it three separate times. It certifies that my results are "considered accurate representations of his current neuropsychological functioning." It certifies that on the MMPI-3 I "responded in a consistent and forthright manner, resulting in a valid profile." It certifies the same again for the MCMI-IV. They ran the validity checks, published that the man they tested was forthright, and then wrote findings their own data contradicts. The validity language exists to make the conclusions credible — not to be bound by them.

An evaluation that can be revised after it is challenged was never an evaluation. It was a ratification with a testing procedure attached for credibility. And the more elaborate the procedure, the better the alibi it buys: seven faculty and three days of neuropsychological testing purchase a far stronger one than a five-minute note ever could.

Hold that up against tomorrow morning. There was a hearing. There were questions. There was a three-week standoff over principle, and it produced a signed document. All of it real, all of it on the record — and the order underneath still reads "FOREVER BARRED." The process was not the safeguard. The process was the product.

1Reclassify the data. Leave the number alone.
My report

The WAIS-IV manual publishes fixed bands. 120–129 is Superior. Three of my scores land there: Perceptual Reasoning 129 (97th percentile), Working Memory 122 (93rd), premorbid estimate 120 (91st).

All three appear in the report as "above average" — a classification that does not exist in that manual.

Nothing was falsified in the arithmetic. The arithmetic was relabeled.

The country's

The May 19 order granting the President's family immunity from federal tax enforcement says, in its own text, "FOREVER BARRED."

On August 3 that language was declared narrow — not by amending the order, but by an interpretation memo from the nominee describing what he takes it to mean.

Nothing in the order changed. The description of the order changed.

The same move: the record stays intact and the label does the lying. Whoever controls the label controls what the record is understood to say — and almost nobody reads past the label.
2Withhold the number entirely.
My report

Two of my performances are described by the report itself as "exceptionally high" — immediate recall of increasingly complex designs, and non-verbal abstract reasoning.

Their numerical values do not appear. Every mediocre score has a number. The two ceiling scores have adjectives.

The country's

A $1.776 billion fund was created to compensate victims of "weaponization." Congress never appropriated it. No public list of recipients, no vote, no line item.

Rescinding the fund order does not close the pre-existing claims process through which the same claimants can still be paid.

The same move: a number that is never published can never be checked. Omission is cheaper than a lie and leaves no fingerprints.
3Skip the test. Then write the result you needed.
My report

They diagnosed Somatic Symptom Disorder — physical complaints exceeding physical cause — and drew no blood.

On Lyme, the report states patients "can experience symptoms long after the organism has been eradicated," and recommends no further antibiotics. It offers no evidence the organism was eradicated.

In a January 30, 2025 email, the internist who made that call wrote: "I did not say IgG means only 'past infection'. It might mean chronic infection too." He knew the record was ambiguous. The report is not.

The country's

The President sued the government, and the government did not defend. A federal judge found the parties "worked in tandem and were never actually adverse" — collusion presented as litigation — and voided the settlement in July, with sanctions.

A verdict reached without an opposing party is not a verdict. It is a document.

The same move: a test not run is a result you get to write yourself. Both records claim a finding that no adversarial process ever produced.
4Fix the paper after someone objects to it.
My report

I formally contested the findings on February 4, 2025. Afterward, Narcissistic Personality Disorder came out and an Adjustment Disorder went in — backdated to January 15, 2025.

Had it existed on that date, the February 3 report signed by seven faculty would have contained it. It did not. I hold both versions.

The country's

Senators objected for three weeks that a verbal assurance is not a written record. On August 3 they received paper — an interpretation memo, produced to answer the objection, while the instrument it interprets was left untouched.

They asked for the order to change. They accepted a description of the order instead, and called the condition met.

The same move: when challenged, generate paper. The paper is addressed to the challenge, not to the truth — and it is produced by the same party the challenge was about.
5Make the objection itself the proof of the diagnosis.
My report

The report notes my "relentless need to explain," my "very fixed beliefs," thought processes "frequently tangential and difficult to redirect," and concludes: "His judgment and insight were limited."

The diagnoses that followed are personality disorders — the category that describes who a person is rather than what a person has.

Once those are on paper, every future objection I make is a symptom. Disagreeing is the illness. There is no move left that is not evidence against me.

The country's

"Weaponization" now means, in practice, any process that attempts accountability: the prosecutors, the courts, the inspectors general, the auditors.

A fund was built to pay the victims of it. The immunity clause forecloses future examination of the same years.

Once that definition is on paper, the act of investigating is the offense. Oversight becomes the crime it was meant to detect.

The same move — and the one that ends all argument: redefine challenge as pathology. In my file it is a personality disorder. In the country's it is weaponization. Both make the accuser unanswerable by making the answer proof of the charge.
6Send the bill to the person you did it to.
My report

$15,000, paid under an ultimatum the report records in its own Chief Complaint: complete the evaluation or lose financial support.

I paid for it in a currency the invoice does not show — a medical record I now have to litigate to correct, and access to care I still cannot get.

The country's

The suit demanded at least $10 billion from the United States for having been investigated. It settled at $1.776 billion — taxpayer money — plus immunity for the President, his family, his businesses and his associates for anything before May 18, 2026.

The public paid to investigate. Then the public paid for the investigation having happened. Then the public lost the right to investigate again.

The same move: the party that was examined bills the party that examined him. Imagine any indicted man in America — pick the least sympathetic one you can think of — invoicing the United States ten billion dollars for the trouble of having been prosecuted. Same instrument. The only variable is who is holding it.
7Send it to a second office. Let the silence become the verdict.
My report

I brought the documented file — the coercion in their own Chief Complaint, the reclassified scores, the contradicted diagnosis code, the altered record — to the Texas Medical Board, to the UT System, to the HHS Office of Inspector General, and to the HHS Office for Civil Rights.

Every one declined. OCR compelled partial production of my records and then would not investigate what the records showed.

A refusal to look is not neutral. It leaves the institution's version standing as the only version on file. The second injury is not the misdiagnosis — it is being told by the referee that there is nothing to see, which converts a falsified document into settled fact.

The country's

Tomorrow at nine, a committee that has the documents votes to advance the nomination without examining them. Not a finding of innocence — an agreement not to look.

Inspectors general removed. A fund built to compensate the harm of having been investigated. Immunity written to foreclose examination of specific years.

When the office with subpoena power declines to use it, the subject's account becomes the record by default. Nobody has to lie. Everybody just has to not look.

The same move, and the one that makes all six others permanent: a falsified record that survives review becomes a true record. Every accountability body that passes converts an allegation into history. That is what a vote to advance without examination actually does — and it is the move that has been used on me at four separate doors.

How many of us are there

Here is the part I cannot stop thinking about. I went into that building with a documented CSF leak, an immune marker at 35 against a floor of 60, mycotoxins at eight times reference, and processing speed at the 18th percentile — and my reasoning still tested at the 97th. I was as equipped to document what was happening to me as a patient can be. I had the vocabulary, the records, the emails, and a brain that pattern-matches for a living.

It did not matter. They wrote it down the way it needed to be written down anyway, and every office I carried it to declined to look.

So the question is not what happened to me. The question is what happens to the person who arrives at that same door with a real illness and no ability to argue — no records, no vocabulary, no 97th percentile, no family money to hire anyone, and no idea that a classification band even exists. That person does not get a website. That person gets a chart that follows them for life, and every future doctor reads the personality disorder before they read the labs.

I am the best-equipped version of this patient, and this is how far I got. Multiply that by every psychiatric evaluation ordered by a family, an employer, a school, or a court, and you have the actual size of this.

What a doctor with actual surgical thinking would have written

Look at the shape of my scores, not the labels stapled to them. Reasoning at the 97th percentile. Working memory at the 93rd. And processing speed at the 18th — the one index in the basement.

That gap is not a personality. Superior reasoning riding on top of markedly slowed processing is the recognized signature of a brain carrying an inflammatory or infectious load. The architecture is intact; the throughput is impaired. That is not a man imagining illness. That is a man reasoning at full strength through mud.

What a clinician doing surgical thinking says next is: "Your reasoning is intact and your processing is not — that combination points at inflammation. Your CD57 is 35 against a floor of 60. Your mycotoxins are eight times reference. Before we discuss your personality, let's get you to a mold detox protocol and an infectious disease specialist, because if this is active, the psychiatric picture is downstream of it."

What the report says instead is that my physical complaints exceed my physical cause.

And here is the part that is not opinion, because it is in their own Recommendation 4: they ordered a pituitary MRI, an ACTH stimulation test, and an 8 a.m. cortisol. That is an HPA-axis workup. They saw endocrine abnormality — elevated FSH and LH against normal testosterone — and prescribed the investigation of the stress-hormone system while simultaneously diagnosing the symptoms as imagination. They recommended the test for the thing they said I was inventing.

The department chair who signed that report built his career on corticotropin-releasing factor: the finding that sustained CRF activity in the brain drives HPA-axis hyperactivity and produces anxiety and depression — demonstrated in animals by introducing a viral vector to force CRF expression. A foreign agent in the brain, altering behavior downstream. Sitting in front of him was a patient with documented infection, documented toxicity, and a documented CSF leak.

The report reached the opposite conclusion from the chair's own life's work, and it reached it without a blood draw.

Why any senator should care, in one paragraph

Because the left column is small enough to verify in an afternoon and it is already proven. Five scores moved one direction. Two numbers withheld. A diagnosis contradicted by the same report's own sentence. A record altered after challenge and backdated. If you accept that the left column happened — and it is on paper, signed, and I hold both versions — then you have already accepted that institutions do this. The only question remaining is whether you believe the same seven moves stop at the door of the Department of Justice. They did not stop at the door of a medical school that trains physicians for the state of Texas.

And to the specific men whose votes are in front of them right now: a person who has done nothing wrong does not need his own investigations declared illegitimate, does not need a fund to compensate the harm of having been examined, and does not need permanent immunity written into a settlement his own government declined to contest. You know this. You have each said a version of it, in public, about someone else.

Post it

Short enough to send. Every fact checkable.

Version A — the two columns

A public medical school wrote my 97th-percentile score down as "above average," withheld two ceiling scores entirely, diagnosed me with imagining illness without drawing blood, and altered my record after I challenged it — backdated.

Then I watched an order that says FOREVER BARRED get "narrowed" by a memo describing it, a $1.776B settlement reached with nobody on the other side, and every attempt at accountability renamed "weaponization."

Then four offices — including the federal one built for exactly this — declined to look, which made their version the record.

Same seven moves. Mine cost $15,000. Yours costs the country.

bowandvector.com/method.html — lifelong Republican, 61.

Version B — the one that should sting

My psychiatric report said I have a "relentless need to explain" and that my "judgment and insight were limited." Once that's written down, every objection I make is a symptom.

"Weaponization" is the same instrument at national scale: once accountability itself is the crime, investigating is the offense.

Senators — a man with nothing to hide does not bill the taxpayers $10 billion for having been investigated, and does not need immunity through May 18, 2026 written into a settlement his own Justice Department declined to contest.

You are not stupid. That is the problem.

bowandvector.com

Version C — one line

They wrote my 97th percentile down as "above average." He wrote "FOREVER BARRED" down as "narrow." I just had less money than he does. bowandvector.com/method.html

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Arthur "Brent" Porter · Austin, Texas · UT Austin '87